“It was as if I was reading about or watching the events unfold in two different countries.” This was a sentiment echoed by a large section of the Egyptian public, commenting on the stark contrast in the coverage, in the state-owned media and the independent media, of the 18 day protests that rocked the country earlier this year.
At a crucial juncture in the history of Egypt, its state-owned media had failed the people. Post the 25th Janaury Revolution, as the country is poised on the threshold of writing a new chapter in its history, will the media in Egypt evolve into an independent and free media and become a cornerstone of the march towards democracy? Community Times takes a look at the changing media landscape in Egypt.
Egyptian Media over the Years
As compared to other Arab countries, the presence of the Egyptian media in the media landscape of the world has been marginal. Adel Iskander, a media scholar and lecturer at Georgetown University and columnist in Almasry Alyoum (English) points out this had not always been so and “even prior to modern broadcasting, the Egyptian press had significant influence across the Levant and beyond given the country's strategic regional role.”
In fact, the Egyptian radio station “Voice of the Arabs” was the most influential broadcast medium in the Middle East and North Africa during the 50 and the 60s. Its success was tied to Nasser’s accomplishments in propagating Pan-Arabism. As Egypt’s influence in the politics of the region waned, the Egyptian media suffered a similar fate.
During the last two decades, the biggest impact on the Egyptian media has been that of the Gulf countries’ based satellite channels that were able to present the Egyptian public with unfettered information. The Egyptian state media was increasingly being used as the mouthpiece of the government, to propagate the party dogma, while dismissing any opposition or criticism of the regime. Obviously, the submissive state media was not able to keep pace with the foreign satellite channels- neither as a source of entertainment or news.
Independent Egyptian media arrived on the scene as a breath of fresh air, when the first private satellite channel was started in the year 2001 and the first independent newspaper Al Masry Al Youm was founded in 2004. Through the chat shows on the private satellite channels and editorials in the independent newspapers, Egyptians for the first time were apprised of the problems that plagued the country; which hitherto had been dismissed as rumours by the state media.
However, these strides in independent media were not without limitations. Control of information is a tool of any authoritarian regime and this control was very effectively wielded by the previous government. The freedom to express political opinions is vital to guarantee the freedom of the press; but the Egyptian penal laws greatly curtailed this freedom. Egypt was one of the few countries that provided for imprisonment of journalists in publication cases, for some vague offences like “threatening national security.” Due to government pressure, even the independent media exercised self-censorship of some sort.
Against the backdrop of such draconian control over the media, when the revolution happened, “the Egyptian state media was totally unprepared to deal with the revolution. The biggest challenge in covering the revolution was the tight control over state media. The editors, anchors and reporters were heavily censored and had to rely on press releases from the Interior Ministry or directives from the Minister of Information or head of the news sector. They were not able to report freely on the events in Tahrir Square,” Shahira Amin tells Community Times.
Amin resigned from her position as Deputy Head of Nile TV and as Senior Anchor/ Correspondent, in protest over the coverage by the state-owned satellite television.”It was [as] if state television was broadcasting from one place and other satellite channels from another place.”
Aftermath of the Revolution
Once it became clear that the protestors were going nowhere, the complete shift in the editorials of the state owned media would be almost comical, if it were not indicative of the pathetic hand-holding culture that pervaded its corridors.
Amina Khairy, a journalist with the Saudi-owned pan Arab newspaper Al-Hayat says of the state media “They were like a child who had suddenly been abandoned. They really couldn’t believe that the regime that they had been used to [knowtowing] had ended. Their confusion was clear from their headlines.”
Have they redeemed themselves?
The days following the revolution saw the dismissal of a number of editors and other high-ranking officials of the state-owned media and a spate of new appointments. It was a euphoric time when the country seemed poised at the threshold of rapid changes in all domains, including the media.
The Egyptian media had won some breathing space, but the optimism soon wore off. The changes seem more cosmetic, rather than a precursor to the rapid revamping of the media.
Iskander explains the post-revolution scenario thus “I have seen very little from the Egyptian state media since January 25 to imply that there is an encouraging shift in stance. While they have rightfully decided to memorialize the revolution and now have shows celebrating Egypt's youth, the difficult questions are not being asked.”
It will not be an easy task to eradicate the habits and the legacy of decades of misinformation, the culture of taking instructions from the top-down and to tell the truth.
“The most important obstacle is the mentality. There are people who started careers in the television building. They would not think about what they were given [to read and] it was unacceptable to go outside the scenario,” explains Khairy
Amin, who has worked with the Nile Television for the last twenty years, nails the situation when she says of the people associated with the state media“Sadly many of them are used to excercising self censorship for fear of losing their job, they have lived and worked in a repressive climate for far too long. Many would like to maintain the status quo and are resisting any kind of change. ………. they are still waiting for the press releases and directives.”
Iskander echoes the point Khairy makes about the state-owned media being left out in the woods. “……Egyptian television is not geared towards reporting news but simply reading it. For the first time in decades, journalists are having to "cover" news and in extremely complicated circumstances, they appear utterly confused as to how such events should be covered. How do they report on the military, how do they address the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafis (groups they had been trained to either ignore or admonish), how to speak about Copts (until recently a practically invisible yet sizable minority). So it appears there is a complete cacaphony largely because the state media are having to relearn journalism.”
State Media: To Be or Not to Be?
The Egyptian state media- which comprises eight TV channels, numerous radio stations, dozens of newspapers and magazines and more than 40000 employees-is a colossal monolith that cannot be wished away.
But can it be transformed into an autonomous, independent and pluralism-serving democratic institution?
Iskander raises questions regarding the future of the state television and what direction it should take. “Should it be an instrument of government or the state? Should the Ministry of Information, disbanded since the revolution, be reinstated? Should the Egyptian Radio and Television Union (ERTU) be reformed? How does one oversee Maspero? Should state television borrow ideas and personnel (thereby learn from) private television? What kind of broadcasters will channels 1 to 5 be? Should they be responsive to the public interest? Should they become public networks, much like the [British Broadcasting Corporation] BBC?”
Khairy concurs that the state media in Egypt might consider fashioning itself on the lines of BBC, which despite being a public service broadcaster is autonomous and not accountable to the government. A media that is answerable to the Ministry of Information cannot play its rightful role in a democracy.
However, after the disastrous performance of the state media during the 25th January Revolution, does it stand a chance at resurrection and is it a battle worth fighting for. There is a parallel in history when the Voice of the Arabs, the most popular radio station in the region, lost all credibility during the 1967 war, when it falsely reported the gains being made by the Egyptian army and it never regained the trust of the Egyptian people. Will a similar fate befall the Egyptian state media of today?
“Unfortunately, state media has lost all credibility and it will take a long time for it to rebuild trust and regain the confidence of the public,” rues Amin.
But she is not willing to abandon it as yet and has gone back to hosting a weekly talk show on Nile Tv and reading the news in English once a week on Channel 2. She is optimistic about her second innings on Egyptian television and explains her decision “I feel it is a 'national duty' to continue to push for media reforms and for the opening up of the media for without a free media, there can be no democracy. This can only be done if I am an insider”
Unarguably, the state media in a country has an important civic function to play. In Egypt, a large section of the population cannot afford to subscribe to satellite channels and have only the terrestrial television to turn to. The Al Ahram, Al Akhbar and the Al Ghoumariya have a subscription base that cannot be rivalled by the independent newspapers.
With such an extensive reach, the reformation of the state media is not only essential but also a priority. Post the Revolution, the Egyptians’ zest for news has increased; many who were politically apathetic are now taking a keen interest in the affairs of the nation. It is imperative that the state media is able to provide them with news that is objective and accurate.
“Today, the Egyptian people have proven their maturity and wisdom. It is time for the Egyptian media to follow suit and treat them like the agents of change that they are, like the emancipated public they have proven themselves to be,” says Iskander elaborating on the role of the state media at this point of time.
He prioritises the removal of all major authorities in the institutions that govern the Egyptian state media and the complete and irreversible dissolution of the Ministry of Information as a step towards its reform. Further, he suggests the reassessment of the state media employees depending on their skills and their absorption into other instruments of the state. “As far as the journalists among them, there needs to be a process of rehabilitation that ensures journalistic principles and public interest are the prime thrust of their work.”
A Backtracking and Apologetic Media
Building a democracy requires the active participation of citizens. In these early days of transition, it is the role of the media to keep the citizens engaged in the business of building the blocks of democracy by informing, educating and mobilising the public. At the centre of this role is freedom of expression; in short it is essential to create an enabling environment.
But “the climate of repression still exists,” warns Amin. The military and especially the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) have not shown itself amenable to scrutiny.
“While State media appear to have been conformist in this regard and have posed the least questions to the council, they are not alone in this dilemma. Private channels as well are walking on egg shells as they try to discuss different topics that relate to the military's administration of the country post- Mubarak,” says Iskander
In mid-April, a blogger was sentenced to three years in prison for allegedly insulting the military by commenting on their performance on his blog. The same week, SCAF distributed a letter to Egyptian editors asking them not to report on the armed forces without advance permission.
When an independent newspaper reported on the purported amnesty deal for Mubarak by SCAF, they were at once hauled up by the military council. “They [the independent newspaper] immediately backtracked and a new red line was established,” says Iskander.
“This can only intimidate other journalists and it is clear that the red lines still exist... In the past Mubarak was untouchable, now the armed forces have replaced the regime in that they do not accept criticism,” rues Amin.
Mirette Mabrouk, a non-resident fellow in the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings and the founding publisher of The Daily News Egypt, agrees. “Some things have really not changed. The media is still not objective enough and there is an attempt to filter information.”
An apologetic and backtracking media sounds ominously familiar and does not augur well for the future. Iskander feels that the media in Egypt has their task cut out for them. “They are to focus their energy and work on democratization, pluralism, good governance, the rule of law, the fight against corruption in every institution of government and the private sector, showcasing the needs of Egypt's poor etc. They must abandon the established wisdom of having the political elite dictate what is news on any given day.”
What should be the role of media today?
The free-for-all environment that now prevails in the Egyptian media has brought home the fact that a free media is not enough; what is required is a responsible and credible media. It is essential that the media should be able to rise above stereotypes and scapegoats. In the ensuing chaos, the politics may have changed but lack of professionalism still plagues the state media. And the state media is not the only one.
Mabrouk has a word of caution for the independent media as she says that post-revolution some newspapers are veering towards ‘tabloid coverage’, rather than investigative reporting.
A free and independent media is one of the cornerstones of democracy and at the heart of it is a media that is accountable for its actions. As Egypt takes the first tentative steps towards democracy, is the Egyptian media mature enough to play this role?
Before the revolution, the Egyptian media could easily be classified into three different categories- media sponsored by the government, media that is the mouthpiece of the opposition political parties and the independent press. Their content and coverage was guided by their allegiance and affiliation.
Now, these demarcating lines are blurred and each of these media has to re-define itself and have a clear vision as to how it will conduct itself.
“Each media source has an agenda, that is ok; but the important thing is that they should be objective in their reporting,” explains Mabrouk.
Over the short period succeeding the revolution, the coverage in the Egyptian media, on certain issues, has already come under a lot of scrutiny and many media pundits have decried the lack in professionalism. Sectarian violence that escalated in the aftermath of the revolution was one of the first trials by fire for a newly unshackled media.
Iskander says that reporting on the sectarian violence is not something that the Egyptian media is trained to do and “so the prevailing public sentiment in the Egyptian press has been a denial of any sectarianism in Egypt and the redirection of accusations against untraceable non-entities such as "baltageya" (thugs) or foreign interests etc.”
Though the Egyptian media showed restraint in reporting the sectarian violence so as not to fan the flames of sectarianism, it brings up another interesting question-should the media always tell the truth, even though the truth can harm?
“There is an urgent need for the media to find a balance between frank and honest reporting and ensuring the public good is not compromised,” says Iskander.
The SCAF recently described the media as “irresponsible”, reacting to an episode of Reem Magued’s talk show on OnTv, where a guest on the show alleged a deal between the Muslim Brotherhood and the SCAF.
“Though the allegation was made by a guest on the show, as an anchor [she] should have known that accusing the army of something like this is not done, [it] can be done by a guest but as an anchor, you need to quickly say that there is no proof. It is not as if they were [having a conversation] sitting in a coffeshop,” says Khairy.
The gains made by media in the newly enabled environment will be frittered away if they do not move beyond prejudice, innuendo and inaccuracy. “We have not always had a good tradition of responsible journalism, the stringent laws were there to protect the regime [not to enforce the journalistic standards],” says Mabrouk.
She stresses that the need of the hour is to “move towards responsible journalism” and to adhere to journalism ethics and journalistic standards.
The Future Outlook
The impending political changes make this an important moment for building a more democratic media. However, there is no easy recipe for remapping of media laws and policies.
According to Naila Hamdy, professor of journalism at the American University in Cairo, the key is to “enable the environment” for the development of a free and independent media. “It is not as if media does not fail itself in the most democratic of countries,” says Hamdy, “but they criticise themselves, introspect and move forward.”
Mabrouk says that enumerating the reforms in media is a question that cannot be answered shortly; after all it is not only particular laws themselves that must be addressed, but also the institutional structure which administers those laws, including regulatory agencies and courts.
She is most concerned about the press laws and says that they should be changed to reflect the new found freedom and responsibility. “Especially, the libel and defamation laws that allow for imprisonment of journalists should go. In all cases, the liability must be on the institution, rather than on a personal level.” The laws must be more consistent with human rights and free speech principles.
Any kind of enabling environment will, of course, be futile without the right journalistic talent; it is absolutely essential to take a look at the institutions in Egypt that train journalists. “The journalists should think about the public interest rather than their personal interests,” says Khairy. She stresses on a system of reward and punishment to enforce the journalistic principles and better remuneration for them.
However, the evolution of journalism and a systematic change in media is a transition that cannot happen overnight; it is a change that will require societal changes. The independence of the media depends on the ability of its audience to assess the information wisely and critically and to draw conclusions from it.
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